State of the World Oceans Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

State of the World Oceans - Essay Example This means that the different agencies should work together, new agencies having more effective programs should be created, and redundant agency programs must be removed. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) should be strengthened to allow it to meet many of its ocean-related responsibilities. With this, a streamlined, better and more effective management of ocean resources can be achieved. The second major recommendation was to strengthen the scientific research and better dissemination of results from scientific research. Compared to other countries, scientific researches on the oceans have lagged. The recommendation calls for more research funding, more exploration, technology development, and improved management of information. Scientific findings provide the basis for new policies, and careful and relevant decision-making, and more importantly, educational material. The enhancement of public education on ocean ecosystems is the third major recommendation. With this, the Commission hoped to promote learning and awareness of ocean ecosystems, through formal and informal education, with the final goal of giving even the youth, in particular, a sense of stewardship for this resource. Formal educational systems should introduce students to oceans and their roles in the world’s ecosystems, and provide them the opportunities to decide on careers that involve ocean science and technology. Other recommendations deal with the management of coastal and ocean ecosystems towards better management of natural resources and improved lives of the communities near the ocean. A balance between conservation of the ocean ecosystem and economic opportunities of the local community can be achieved by empowering coastal management. These recommendations hope to achieve better fishery management

Transnational Governance And Overseas Filipino Workers Politics Essay

Transnational Governance And Overseas Filipino Workers Politics Essay In an era of increased globalization, different countries turn to different national strategies in order to maintain a competitive edge in the global market. For many developing countries, the labor force that they possess is a significant resource that may be utilized in order to pursue economic and social growth and development within their countries. The Philippines is one of the major countries that rely heavily on its workforce for economic stability and social advancement. Indeed, the Philippine experience of Diaspora is a sad and happy story to tell. The fact is that Filipinos working outside of the country brings the bacon home-the dollars that supports the economic activities in the country. However, the Philippine government is faced with this dilemma: how do they make sure that these Filipinos outside of the country maintain their links to the country. The fact that they send money back to the Philippines is not enough. They have to make sure that these Filipinos remain connected to their homeland lest they might lose them someday. A stronger sense of identity, solidarity and nationalism will ensure that these Filipinos will participate in the affairs of the country which will then ensure continued support from them in terms of financial matters. In order to induce such participation, the government should cross borders and exert re-territorialization and extra-territorial jurisdiction efforts-the government now faces the issue of transnational governance. These integration mechanisms to induce participation from Filipinos abroad is an effort that should be carried out by the Philippine government to make sure that Filipinos abroad remain connected to their home countr y. Research Questions What difference did the Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003 (RA9189) made in terms of the political participation of OFWs in national and local elections in the Philippines? How does RA 9189 function as a tool of transnational governance for the Philippine government? Why is it important for the Philippine government to re-territorialize OFWs all over the world and encourage them to participate in the political processes of the country? What are the measures that the Philippine government has to take in order to secure transnational governance on OFWs all over the world? Independent Variable: RA 9189 or The Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003 as a tool of transnational governance for the Philippine government Dependent Variables: The transnational connection between OFWs and the Philippine government as seen through the exercise of the voting rights of OFWs and its subsequent effects on the domestic politics of the Philippines; The sense of identity, solidarity, and nationalism of OFWs as the basis for their corresponding political representation and participation; The efforts of the Philippine government to seek re-territorialization and establish extra-territorial jurisdiction (through RA 9198) as a political integration mechanism As such, the aim of this study is to be able to look at RA 9189 as a tool employed by the Philippine government as a political integration mechanism to address the much larger and broader issue of transnational governance which is brought about by the increasing interaction between the economic, social, and political forces at play in the global arena and their respective counterparts from a state-level perspective. II. Significance/Importance of the Study A Brief History of Filipino Migration The migration of Filipinos to foreign lands has a long history in modern times. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 eased Filipino migration into Europe. By the turn of the 20th century, the growth of nationalist ideas fermented in Europe by Filipino exiles such as Dr. Jose P. Rizal gave birth to the Philippine nation. In the early 1900s, Filipino workers laboured hard in the sugar and pineapple plantations of Hawaii while skilled Filipino labour in the health and tourism sectors helped in the reconstruction of Europe after the devastation of the Second World War. The post war era also saw many Filipinos joining the US navy for the privilege to petition for residence in the United States and live a better life. The 1970s saw the massive importation of Filipino construction workers to the Middle East where petrodollars were readily available. By the 1980s and the 1990s, there were Filipino doctors and physical therapists in the United States, Filipino nurses in the United Kingdom, Filipino secretaries in the UN headquarters in Geneva, Vienna and New York, Filipino engineers and teachers in Africa and Asia, Filipino au pairs in Scandinavia, domestic workers in Italy and Hong Kong, and seamen in Greece. Filipino migration has spread to other continents and by the 2nd millennium continues unabated. Filipinos are the second largest migrant population in the world (Hoegsholm, 2007). Current Trends and Situation The Philippines is one of the major countries that rely on its labor force for the support of its economy. Of the 80 million people in the country, approximately 10 percent is outside of the country working permanently or temporarily and because of this massive diaspora, Filipino migration continues to be a major concern for the Philippine government. However, one aspect of this issue that remains unexplored or altogether ignored is the fact that these Filipino migrants can be significant political forces that may influence the political situation in the country. The political system in the Philippines is one that needs reforms and transformations. As a democratic country, the electoral process of the country provides for an opportunity for the people to choose representatives that will empower them. However, time and time again, corruption and bureaucracy over rules democracy-the voice of the people through electoral votes is not entirely reflective of the political change so long desired by the Filipinos. Perhaps it is a lack of the participation from the middle class of the country; perhaps it is a result of the indifference of the average citizen of the country; and perhaps many people do not see why they should be clamouring for change in the government when clearly the government has nothing to do with their economic survival anymore. Such is the case of the many Filipinos living and working outside of the country, and such political outlook may be shared by their families in the Philippines as well. Seeing as the Filipinos outside of the country may be a significant political force that can initiate changes in the political system of the country, there is a need to understand how to tap these political forces that might serve the interest of the Filipino nation in general. Table 1. Estimate of Overseas Filipinos, Commission on Filipinos Overseas (2009) Commission on Filipinos Overseas STOCK ESTIMATE OF OVERSEAS FILIPINOS As of December 2009 PERMANENT TEMPORARY IRREGULAR WORLD TOTAL 4,056,940 3,864,068 658,370 Table 2. No. of Overseas Registered Voters, Commission on Elections, COF (2009) Overseas Absentee Voting 2009 Statistics on Number of Registered Voters Summary per continent and seafarers 2007 DELETED (Failed to vote twice) Asia Pacific 191,761 47,219 North South Africa 27,247 4,886 Europe 48,462 12,233 Middle East Africas 218,250 68,482 Total Landbased 485,720 132,820 Seafarers 18,404 OVERALL TOTAL 504,124 132,820 Comparing tables 1 and 2, we can see that of the more than 8 million Filipinos abroad, only a little over 500,000 people are registered voters. These numbers are strikingly significant if we are to consider Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) as political forces that may serve as an avenue of the much needed political change in the Philippines. Literature Review On Transnational Governance and Nationalism: The Issue of Transnationalism In a very relevant study concerning the issue of the nationalism of Filipino migrants and the transnational governance efforts of the Philippine government, Rodriguez (2002) argued that citizenship, and the obligations attached to it, is used as a state strategy for income generation for the Philippine government. Further, citizenship has become a means by which the Philippine state disciplines migrants as cheap workers for the global economic orderà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦transformations in notions of Filipino nationalism and citizenship have given rise to new kinds of transnational citizenship struggles allowing Filipino migrant workers to demand economic, political and cultural rights of the Philippine state wherever they may be. Rodriguez also explored the idea that Filipino migrants nowadays offer alternative nationalisms that challenge the constraints imposed by the governance efforts of the Philippine government. This study is important mainly because it pointed out that transnationalism may be looked at from two perspectives: that of the government and that of the Filipino migrant workers and their advocates. When looking from the point of view of the government, Filipino migrants are transnational citizens that can serve the best interest of their homeland. For instance, in recognizing that overseas Filipino workers are the new or modern-day heroes of the country, the Philippine government explicitly commits itself to ensuring that the welfare rights of these migrant workers are protected beyond the territorial boundaries of their country. As the heroes of Philippine society, migrants are extended limited rights and privileges. Yet ultimately, as citizens, Filipino migrants are expected and indeed forced to comply with particular obligations to their home state that ultimately serve the interests of global capital (Rodriguez, 2002). On the other hand, Rodriguez also explored the idea of alternative nationalism pursued by migrant advocates such as the group Migrante International. According to this idea, the Philippine state owe it to the Filipinos abroad to secure their rights in their host countries and ultimately lead them back to the Philippines. However, when this study was conducted, only the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 or RA 8042 was in effect. The Overseas Absentee Voting Act or RA 9189 was passed into law in 2003; a year after Rodriguezs study was published. Since then, a lot of changes in the political strategies of the government in terms of addressing the issues of transnationalism amo ng Filipino migrant workers all over the globe have taken place. RA 9189 Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003: Causes, Roots, and Implications Concerning the issue as to why RA 9189 was not enacted as a law earlier, Moon (2009) argued that the passage of RA 9189 was a product of the dynamic interaction between external (the presidential support in mid-term legislative elections, the emergence of a sectoral party Akbayan in the House of Representatives since 1998, the Asian economic crisis, and the advent of the Internet in the late 1990s) and internal factors (International Coalition for Overseas Filipinos Voting Rights [ICOFVR] and the increasing grievances of overseas Filipinos towards the Philippine government). According to this study the [e]nactment of RA 9189 was neither a sole decision of the political elite such as the president and legislators, nor a consequence purely of overseas Filipinos avid lobby campaigns for their voting rights (Moon, 2009). Instead, the author believes that the factors in the political system of the country and the growing activism of Filipino migrant workers led to the successful passage o f the Absentee Voting Act of 2003. RA 9189 is clearly an effort by the Philippine state to re-territorialize Filipinos all over the world mainly for economic reasons but it also reflects the initiative of the state to respond to the needs of the millions of Filipinos overseas intertwined in the increasing globalization of labor. As Bach Solomon (2008) have pointed out in their study, the urge to re-territorialize is partly about maintaining state legitimacy through the identification and participation of its citizens, partly about exercising sovereign power over extra-territorial flows, and partly an attempt to secure sources of state revenue as wealth becomes located outside the country. Furthermore, these authors have argued that [g]lobalization leads not always to decentralization but also to significant state efforts in building centrally controlled administrative structures; the transnational migrant worker shapes new articulations of belonging and political membership, and as such migrant populations function a s agents of social change; and the formalization of trans-nationalism among migrants points to new, institutionalized mechanisms through which nation-states with large migrant populations manage, channel and forge political action and subjectivity (Bach Solomon, 2008). Such arguments are very important in because it illustrates the issue of transnational governance that is faced by almost all every state in the context of globalization. Indeed, there is an immediate need for states to figure out how transnational governance works if at all for the benefit of the millions of migrant workers around the globe. Furthermore, their study has pointed out another important issue: that globalization and the need for extra-territorial governance are dynamic factors that influence one another which constantly evolve through the increasing interdependence of states arising from the situation in the contemporary global order. Therefore, there is an immediate need for political actors and academics alike to put forth more effort in understanding the political integration mechanisms that is likely to come out of transnational governance concerns. Transnationalism, Transnational Governance, Extra-territorial Jurisdiction: Concepts and Issues With regards to transnationalism, transnational governance, extra-territorial jurisdiction, and re-territorialization-the most important challenge for nation states that seek to address these transnational issues is to acknowledge the fact that they have no effectively employ governance strategies within an anarchic system. In a study by Risse (2004), he pointed out that governance in the global system is about creating social and political order in the absence of modern statehood. He further adds that democratic governance beyond the nation-state faces serious hurdlesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the main problem of transnational governance concerns the lack of congruence between those who are being governed and those to whom the governing bodies are accountable (Risse, 2004). The most important reflection from this study is that states have to craft ways to exercise transnational governance in an international realm where transnational accountability and legitimacy remains to be a problem at larg e. The Philippine Experience The Philippines, being one of the very few states that have really dealt with the issue of migration in a head-on manner, has a lot of experiences to draw up decisions from. Hence, in an era where transnational governance seems to be an option to maintain a steady hold on its nationals in the increasing wave of transnationalism and globalization. In fact, one of the many advantages of the Philippine government is that one of the distinctive traits of Filipinos is that they are deeply attached to their familial roots-there will always be a sense of wanting to belong to something that could connect them from where they came from. This innate characteristic may not be reflected yet in the political sense, but it is certainly is seen in terms of the economic and social support of Filipino migrants to their homeland. As Bach Solomon (2008) pointed out, in the Philippines, a sense of solidarity latent among countrymen and women abroad was skilfully mobilized in order to capitalize on thre e things: the desire of Filipinos to make money abroad to support family back home; the desire of Filipinos abroad to consider themselves part of their nation; an appeal to pride in order to raise the skill-level and market niches of the migrant workers. Hence, the Philippine government could use this to their advantage when coming up with political integration mechanisms to employ transnational governance over the millions of Filipinos overseas. Although a lot of Filipinos feel resentment to the very government that pushed them out of their homeland and nationalism and identity may not be as strong as compared to other sending countries and may be even scattered at large, there will always be that invisible connection to their mother country which arises from the fact that as human beings we would always desire to belong and identify ourselves unto something. Capitalizing on this, the Philippine government should be able to employ effective transnational governance mechanisms. Of course, there will always be domestic issues that will hinder the state in maximizing the potential of the government to exercise transnational governance, some would even reject the idea that such kind of mechanism should be employed, instead, Filipinos all over the world should be encouraged to return back to the Philippines. However, the contemporary situation requires for political actions otherwise: the world is becoming increasingly interdepen dent, globalization is true, and transnational political action is needed-fast. The Research Gap in Existing Literature The literature about transnational governance, its advantages and disadvantages, is not lacking. There are also debates as to whether such mechanism is even needed or not. Furthermore, the discussion of the merits and demerits of capitalizing on Filipino nationalism, culture, and solidarity in applying transnational governance efforts by the Philippine government is also abundant. There is also an expansive literature about the role of governments in facilitating the whole migration process. However, there is a research gap in terms of recognizing the political impact that overseas Filipinos could make on the country if the government would be able to employ effective and efficient political integration mechanisms. This study will aim to fill the missing link between the importance of mobilizing the political capacity of migrant Filipinos and its implications on the political dynamics of the Philippines. Furthermore, this study will seek to explain why and how the Philippine governme nt should be bolder in pursuing transnational governance mechanisms and develop an understanding as to how the dynamics between migrant workers and the government could be fully utilized. III. Research Framework, Concepts, Theories, and Propositions Research Framework This framework shows the concepts and issues that are needed to be addressed in terms of using transnational governance as the connecting link that will bridge the gap between OFWs and the Philippine government. Specifically, this framework is meant to explore the case of RA 9198 as a tool of transnational governance that can strengthen the participation of OFWs in the political outcomes of the country through electoral votes and representation. The political interaction between the OFWs and the government may be bridged through the employment of transnational governance on the part of the government and the corresponding participation by the OFWs. The broken lines represent the possibility of bridging this political gap through the employment of transnational governance mechanisms although the maximum potential of such connection is yet to be explored. Meanwhile, the solid lines represent the concepts which are to be explored using the perspective of either the OFWs or the Philippin e government. Hence, the concepts of identity, solidarity, nationalism, and political representation and participation should be tackled from the point of view of OFWs; whereas the concepts of extra-territorial jurisdiction, re-territorialization, and political integration mechanisms concern the Philippine government. Meanwhile, the dotted lines connect the factors that are likely to influence one another. For instance, the concepts of identity, solidarity, and nationalism among OFWs may be used by the Philippine government as the founding blocks of re-territorialization efforts on their part and in return these efforts by the government may induce more solidarity and a further sense of nationalism on the part of OFWs. Furthermore, political representation and participation from the OFWs may be used by the government as a platform for integration mechanism between the politics in the host country and the homeland, and in return such integration efforts from the government may encour age OFWs to participate in the political processes of their homeland. Taken together, these concepts create a model of transnational governance for the Philippine government in terms of dealing with Filipino migrants at least in the sense that OFWs are seen as a significant political force that may contribute to the growth and development of the polity in the Philippines in the long run. Concepts, Theories, and Propositions Time and again, OFWs all over the globe have proven their invaluable economic contributions to the Philippines by bringing in millions of dollars in the country that supports the economy at large. These economic contributions have been translated into social contributions by ensuring that households receiving remittances are investing more in education and health. Overall, receiving households have been experiencing an increase in the quality of life because of the stability brought about by the monthly remittances from family members working abroad. As a result of this new economic and social empowerment the so-called middle class of the Philippine society are increasing in number. However, the political contribution of this newly emerging middle class if mobilized to its maximum potential is something that political scientists and social researchers should further explore. The concept that OFWs are untapped political forces that could introduce drastic political changes in the Philippines would only be possible if the Philippine government itself would be able to realize the political value held by the millions of Filipinos working and residing overseas. If the government would be able to employ effective and efficient measures of transnational governance that will reach the Filipino workforce outside of the country then they will be able to exercise their maximum potential as transnational citizens of the country. Hypothesis The argument of this study is three-fold: one is that Filipino migrant workers all over the world have become distant not only from the Philippine government itself but from the very political processes of the state as well; the second is that the government is not utilizing the maximum potential of OFWs as agents of political change; finally, this study asserts that if the government would be able to tap the capacity of OFWs as political forces then it will invoke the political participation of the middle class in the Philippines which will eventually lead to a radical change in the polity of the country. Going the Distance: The Lack of Political Participation from OFWs It is known that millions of Filipinos abroad rarely participate in the political processes of their homeland in its most general sense, particularly in the electoral processes of the country. The lack of participation from OFWs may be attributed to a number of reasons. First, there is the problem of logistics. Many of the Filipino workers would have to travel long distances in order for them to register as absentee votes to be able to participate in the national elections of the country. In addition, they would have to allocate time and resources on their own. This would include getting off from work in a day or two which means they would have to forego of their salary during those times. Some Filipino workers reside and work far away from Philippine embassies or voting posts and as such participating in the electoral process would require so much of their time and financial resources. Given these things, they would undoubtedly consider if it is well worth it to exercise their votin g rights. Some of them just regard the situation as given and that they could not do anything about it at all. If given the choice between working and participating in the electoral process, a lot of them would just choose the former, because it is much more convenient for them to stay out of the entire process. Another reason is that, a lot of the Filipino workers are very distant with the Philippine government because they remain distrustful of the very government that could not support them in their own country. Furthermore, they do not see the reason as to why they should be caring for the needs of the government when in fact they do not rely much on the government for support. In other words, they do not depend on the government for financial support because they earn their living from outside of the country. As such, OFWs feel very little attachment to the government and they remain sceptical of the government in terms of the growth and development that it can provide for the Filipino nation in general. This attitude of indifference is a result of the thinking that there is no hope left for a change within the political system of the country. Hence, the why-bother-attitude remains prevalent in the way that the millions of overseas Filipino workers think. Moreover, the lack of motivation among OFWs in terms of participating in the political processes of the country remains to be an acceptable norm and so it creates a feeling of mutuality among those who live and work abroad. Such indifference, is not just evident in the voters turnout during electoral processes, but could also be seen in the civic and political participation of these OFWs when they are abroad. A relatively small number of OFWs are active in pursuing their rights and welfares both in their home country but in their host country as well. This general feeling of indifference remains to be a big disadvantage and a hindrance to the relative growth and development of the civic and political participation of OFWs all over t he world-one which is an unhealthy shortcoming that is very much reflected in the domestic politics of the Philippines. Governing from Across Borders: The Necessity of Transnational Governance Mechanisms On the one hand, there is a large and significant number of OFWs all over the world that remains very indifferent to the political affairs of the country. On the other hand, there is the Philippine government who does not seem to exert as much effort as it should have been doing in order to induce political participation from its nationals who are residing and working in many different parts of the world. Obviously, the government is aware of these untapped political forces but the question remains as to why there is not enough effort from its part in order to encourage such political participation. In answer to this question, a number of reasons come to mind. First is that in order to induce a full-scale participation from its overseas nationals, the government has to invest a significant amount of money to facilitate electoral processes from outside its national borders. For instance, the government and its corresponding offices, agencies, or posts would have to ensure that the Fil ipinos migrant workers would have to sacrifice less of their time and resources in order to participate in the electoral processes of the country. For instance, more voting posts would have to be established and then the government should also provide more incentives to those who are willing to take a day off from work in order to participate in the voting processes. This requires additional financial and manpower resources and since Philippine embassies abroad only have a few employees, ensuring an efficient and effective program to encourage more people to vote would not be an easy task to carry out. Furthermore, considering that a lot of these embassies operate under a limited budget, it would require a lot of bureaucratic and legislative work in order to arrive at certain programs that will promote and encourage participation from OFWs. Another reason that comes to mind is that there may be certain individuals in governmental posts or interest groups that may be preventing the government from pursuing an all-out policy to support the participation of OFWs in the political processes of the nation. There may be some politicians who are afraid of the capabilities of OFWs as a coherent political force and as such they may be preventing measures in order to fully realize such capabilities. These are all political concerns and strategies at the local and national level which hinders the empowerment of the many OFWs who are residing and working outside of the territorial boundaries of the Philippines. Nevertheless, the government itself may be largely at fault in terms of the not-so satisfying political participation that it gets from its citizens from scattered all over the world. Without a strong political will to carry out the tasks of promoting and encouraging more political participation from OFWs little results are l ikely to be achieved both in the short and long run. In this regard, the government is missing on a lot of the political tools that is available at its disposal in order to carry out such strategies. For instance, it does not utilize RA 9189 as a powerful tool of transnational governance mechanism. If the government would be able to capitalize on the inherent nationalist sentiments and connections of the overseas Filipinos to their homeland and combine it an efficient utilization of the RA 9189 as a tool of transnational governance then acceptable political results may follow. OFWs as Untapped Agents of Political Change Ultimately, however, the right steer of leadership and a healthy dose of political will may lead to a successful realization of the potential capacity of OFWs as political forces that may be crucial in determining the future course of the political systems in the country. For instance, if OFWs all over the world would be able to participate in the political processes of the country then they could largely influence their families and relatives to do as well back in the Philippines. This may well be the start of the awakening of the middle class in Philippine society which has long been pointed out as the missing link that could eventually lead to the much needed change in the political change in the country. Furthermore, if the political participation of OFWs all over the world can trigger middle class participation back in the Philippines, significant changes could happen not just in the governmental system of the country but in the general context of the society in general as well. Indeed, the full-scale participation of the middle class in Philippine political context is a much anticipated change because this means that those who remain very indifferent to the political processes of the country would have their voices heard and would then eventually lead to radical political changes not just within the territorial boundaries of the country but well without its borders as well. If the Philippine government and its designated agencies in and out of the country can maximize and fully utilize the implementation of RA 9189, then Filipinos all over the globe could actively participate in the political processes of the country and hence radic

Cocaine Addiction :: Free Essays

Everybody knows cocaine is bad for you. So why do so many people take it? It gets you high. You feel good for a little while. Then you’re sad again. Teenagers have this problem a lot. Scientists have found a way to maybe prevent ‘highs’ when using cocaine. Actually, they found a way in animals, and they are hoping to use it on humans. The team showed that the epilepsy drug gamma vinyl-GABA, or GVG, blocked cocaine's effect in the brains of primates, including the process that causes a "high" feeling in humans. Also, the rodents didn’t go back to the place they received the cocaine as much as they did without the epilepsy drug, which is important behavior when pertaining to a human being. Cocaine may be one of the toughest addictions to cure because it triggers a buildup of a protein that persists in the brain and stimulates genes that intensify the craving for the drug. The GVG might be able to help because it sort of stops the chemical release of the protein that builds up and causes the brain to crave the drug. Addiction is a complex process in humans because it is linked to learning and multiple chemical pathways in the brain. So, if some of these can be blocked, then there is no more addiction, and with GVG, there might not be, once it is tested on humans. Since it helped the animals, there is a good chance of it helping us. In the brain, chemicals called neurotransmitters constantly float between brain cells, sending messages that travel through the brain and into the body in a process similar to the game "Telephone." (The molecules pass on the messages.) After neurotransmitter molecules complete their task of leaving their home brain cell and docking with a neighboring cell to convey the message, they usually return to their home cell or are eliminated in the space between cells, called the synapse.

Toy Critique

Assignment 1 Play activity This assignment had been done with a group of 4 children with ages between 3 and 4?. Planning: In order to do the play activity I had to observe the children for two days. I wanted to know what are they more interested in and what they would like more. After the observation stage, I wanted to make sure that the play activity I had in mind, suited their age and stage of development. I also made sure that the activity is safe and that it included the PILES development and that it s based on future learning. I made a sketch plan for myself without telling the children about it and I see what I need for all that.I consulted with the manager to see if the materials I needed could be provided by her. I explain to my manager that I would like to make an activity based on the children’s imagination. I had been observing that the group was interested in cars and animals, so that made me think of building one car close the real size, with the help of the child ren. They would then have to make an imaginary trip to the zoo, inside the car. I needed a large carton box, sellotape, paint and scissors. The manager agreed with the plan, but she suggests that on our way to the zoo, we should make some stops in different places like shops or public parking areas.I checked to see if I had enough time to accomplish the activity, including the preparation and tidying up at the end. I talked with the children about what we were going to do the next week, and they seemed to like the idea very much. I put the plan together over the weekend and ensured that I have the proper and safe materials by the beginning of the next week. I then realised that I would need more than one day for the play activity. I decided to split the play activity into 4 daily sessions, of 25 minutes each. Implementation: Day 1: MondayWe started by moving some chairs and a table closer to a wall in the room, so we would have enough space for the activity. I put a carton box on th e floor. The children asked: Ch: â€Å"What are we going to do with this box, teacher? † Me: â€Å"We are going to build a big car and all of you would have to paint it. † After I drew the car, trimmed its shape on the carton board, I gave the children different colours of paint so they would paint the car. Me: â€Å"Now I want you to close your eyes and to imagine this car in whatever colour you would like it to be. I didn’t have time to finish my sentence because they all started to tell me at the same time what was their favourite colour for the car. Me: â€Å"Stop, stop, stop. No, not all together. C1, tell us what colour would you like the car to be? † C1: â€Å"I want my car to be pink. † Me: â€Å"Very good! You can paint the front of the car. C2, what colour does your car have? † C2: â€Å"Orange, it’s my favourite colour. † Me: â€Å"OK C2, you will do this side of the car† and I showed him the right side of th e car. â€Å"Now, C3, tell me! † C3: â€Å"I like my car to be blue. † Me: â€Å"Perfect. You have the back of the car. C4? † C4: â€Å"I want my car red.It’s my favourite colour. † Me: â€Å"Very good, C4, you will paint this side of the car† and I showed him the left side of the car. â€Å"Excellent, but there is missing something. Who can tell me what is missing? † Ch: â€Å"The wheels! † Me: â€Å"What colour are they? † Ch: â€Å"Black. † Me: â€Å"Very good! Each of you will have to paint one wheel. † I put their aprons to each of them and they each took a paintbrush. They started painting and to talk about the car. The children gave the car a name: â€Å"Tina†. After they finished painting the car the children asked e what to do next. I told them that we were going to wait until the next day.Day 2: Tuesday First thing in the morning, after arriving at the creche, the children asked me what we were going to do with the car that day. C1: â€Å"Are we going to play with the car, today? † Me: â€Å"Yes, we will play with the car, but not like yesterday. † I then told them to concentrate and imagine that they are going to get into the car with mommy, daddy, or his/her best friends and they would be going to the zoo. On the way to the zoo they would stop twice, in two different places. I wanted them to tell me what were the two places they were thinking about, what they wanted to do there and what were they see at each stop.Knowing that they were having more than 2 places in mind, I asked them to speak in turn about their choices: – C1 told me that he would stop to buy ice cream and visit a fun fair – C2 wanted to play some football and to make a stop at McDonald’s – C3 wanted to visit a fun fair and eat at McDonald’s – C4 wanted to ride in an electric car at the fun fair and eat an ice cream I wanted to include each acti vity in the imaginary car travel so I thought the best way to do that was to plan the itinerary like this: – First stop at the fun fair and electrical cars – Second stop at McDonald’s for ice creamI was not sure that we would have enough time for the fun fair on that day. Me: â€Å"OK. Everybody, let’s go into the car. C3, you will drive today. † C3 was very happy about that. â€Å"Go in front of the car and tell everybody to hurry up and close the doors. † I told them to pretend that they are going in the car and drive to the fun fair. They pushed the car (â€Å"driving†) towards the table (the â€Å"fun fair†). The table was in the middle of the room, so they pushed the car and circled the table twice and then stopped. C3: â€Å"Here we are at the funfair. † The other 3 children started cheering â€Å"Hooray!We are here. † I was very happy and proud of them. They were really enjoying the game. I placed 7 small c ars (â€Å"the electric cars†) on the tables. The cars had different shapes and colours. I asked each of the children to pick a car from the table and then tell me why they picked that car. I wanted to test their intellectual skills. C1 picked a blue sports car. He told me that blue is his favourite colour and that he likes sports cars. I asked how he knows that he was holding a sports car and he replied that the sport cars are very low to the ground. C2 picked a bigger, orange car.He said that orange is his favourite colour and that he likes big cars because his father has a big car. C3 picked a small, red car justifying that small cars are for girls (she is a girl) and she liked red. C4 picked a minivan. He said that he wants a family car so that he could take his parents and sister with him everywhere they want. I was very surprised to find out that the children had good reasons for choosing a car and that the choice was not random. I then asked them if they know how an el ectric car works or what you have to do with in order to start up an electric car. They told me that one should et inside the car and drive it. C3 told me that the car runs on electricity. I let them play with their cars for about 2 minutes. I then asked them to leave the â€Å"electric cars in the funfair and return to their car and park it† close to one of the walls in the room. We planned to continue our trip, the next day. Day 3: Wednesday We started a little bit earlier than the previous days to include the snack time from the creche schedule into the game. I named C1 and C4 to drive the car that day. C1 was the driver from the parking lot to McDonald’s and c4 was the driver from McDonald’s to the zoo.The children got into the car and â€Å"drove† circling the table 3 times and then stopping close to the table. They got out of the car and took a seat at the table. I told them that they were to be the clients and I would be the waitress. I explained t o them what a waitress is and told them how to order. They asked me to bring their snacks from their lunch boxes. After finishing their snacks, I gave them a scoop of ice cream each. After the stop at McDonald’s, C4 stood up and said â€Å"Let’s go now. It’s a long way to the zoo and it’s getting dark. † I was very surprised to hear that from him.I was thinking that was developing an early stage of responsibility. C3 asked me where the zoo was. I replied that it wasn’t very far, pointing in the direction of another table in the corner of the room. They circled the first table twice and went to the second table in the corner. In the meantime I took 8 animals from a box of toys and I lined them up on the table in the corner as if they were in cages at the zoo. When the children got to the table in the corner, something happened and we had to interrupt the game. One of the children (C2) had to go home and I didn’t want to continue the ga me without him.The others wanted to continue but I explained to them that we can’t continue without C2 and we would have to wait until the next day so we could be all together. I postponed the visit at the zoo for the next day. Day 4: Thursday C2 thought that we had finished the trip without him. He was happy to hear that we hadn’t continued the trip and that we had been waiting for him. I also told him that he would be driving from the zoo to the Montessori. After they had their snack in the snack break, I asked them if they could remember where we had stopped the day before. They all told me that we were going to see the animals at the zoo.C1: â€Å"We have to pay first, teacher. † Me: â€Å"Very well, C1. Yes, we do have to pay. † They pretended to take money out of their pockets and give it to me. They gathered around the table so I told them to stay in line so we could walk around the table to see and talk about the animals. We had a dialogue about w hat type of animals they are, what their colour is, where they live and what they eat. I even asked them if the animals are happy in the zoo. The children were very curious to find out thing that they didn’t know about the animals. We talked about them for about 15 minutes. They all knew the names of the animals and their colours.The habitat (where they live) and eating habits were new to the children. The answers were different, some of them were right and some of them were wrong. I was more than happy to tell them the right answer to any question. After the visit at the zoo, C2 said that is was his turn to drive and he was right. They got into the car again and â€Å"drove† around the table four times. They said that it was a long distance back to Montessori. C2 parked the car and we went in the back garden of the creche, for some fresh air. We sat down in circle so we could talk about the visit. I asked them if they enjoyed their visit at the zoo.The children told m e that they would like to go another time but to a different place. I also asked them if they had learned something from this trip. C3 said that she had never been to a restaurant and tell the waiter what she wants by herself, before. I told the children that we would do other trips in the future. Evaluation: Evaluating objectives for children In my opinion, the play activity had a very good impact on the children. It was, in fact, much better than what I expected. Their imagination is very well developed and the trip was a good opportunity to improve their learning outcomes.They did what they wanted to do and how they wanted to do. I just provided them the foundation of the game and they took control of the actions. The following abilities were exercised by the children: – Mathematical learning, by using the shapes of the cars, size of the cars, relationship between objects when comparing cars and animals – Creative learning, by being free to express opinions, ideas a nd feelings, exploring and experimenting art when they painted the car, movement when driving the car and dramatic play when ordering at McDonald’s – Physical experiences when â€Å"driving the car† Linguistic learning when talking about the habitat of the animals and eating habits – Personal and social learning, by developing their self-esteem and autonomy while â€Å"driving†, team working, talking to each others about their ideas, sharing experiences and when C3 admitted that it was the first time she ordered by herself at a restaurant. The play activity can be used in the future to plan other discovery trips in other places like â€Å"visiting a museum†, â€Å"going to the gym†, â€Å"going to the swimming pool†, or if the children have other ideas for trips.Evaluating the adult role My initial goals for this play activity were the developing of the child’s creativity, curiosity and imagination. I achieved the goals by putting the children in an out of the ordinary situation and then constructing different sets of events, upon the main idea, with or without the help of the children. During the planning of the activity I found out that children can actively participate in elaborating ideas, not only carrying out an idea. They were using their imagination and sometimes I felt that they were using it more than I did.As adults we sometimes know how things should be, look like or feel, but a child doesn’t know that. A child is curious to learn about things he does not know, and is eager to experiment, not only asking others what is best in a situation, and to copy the behaviour he sees in adults. Maybe that is why I was amazed to find out the different reasons of the children when picking the cars, and how they related with their families (the human beings with which a child spends much of his time and tends to imitate).The total cost of the project was minimal because I used recycled materia l along with things which were already at hand from the creche. In the future I would like to include either more learning and developmental outcomes, or doing a specialized play activity with one or two learning outcomes. I would like to see which one is more effective on child education. To do that, first I am planning to do a play activity extending the time length from 4 days to 7 days. After assessing that activity, I will then decide whether I would specialize the play on one or two learning or development outcomes, or introducing as many outcomes as possible.

Chinas Dynasties Circa 2100 BCE - 1911 CE

Chinas Dynasties Circa 2100 BCE - 1911 CE The history of China stretches back into the mists of time. For centuries, scholars from China and abroad believed that the ancient dynasties - those prior to the Qin - were simply mythical. However, the discovery in 1899 of oracle bones from the Shang Dynasty dating back to c. 1500 BCE proved that this dynasty actually existed. The bones provided impressive amounts of information about the Shang royal family, religious beliefs and other aspects of life more than 3,500 years ago. Firm evidence for the Xia Dynasty has yet to be found... but do not bet against it! 3 Sovereigns and 5 Emperors Period (c. 2850 - c. 2200 BCE) Xia Dynasty (c. 2100 - c. 1600 BCE) Shang Dynasty (c. 1700 - 1046 BCE) Zhou Dynasty (c. 1066 - 256 BCE) Qin Dynasty (221 - 206 BCE) Han Dynasty (202 BCE - 220 CE) Three Kingdoms Period (220 - 280 CE) Jin Dynasty (265 - 420) 16 Kingdoms Period (304 - 439) Southern and Northern Dynasties (420 - 589) Sui Dynasty (581 - 618) Tang Dynasty (618 - 907) Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period (907 - 960) Song Dynasty (906 - 1279) Liao Dynasty (907 - 1125) Western Xia Dynasty (1038 - 1227) Jin Dynasty (1115 - 1234) Yuan Dynasty (1271 - 1368) Ming Dynasty (1368 - 1644) Qing Dynasty (1644 - 1911)

Del Monte Provides secure Connections for Telecommuters Essay Example

Del Monte Provides secure Connections for Telecommuters Essay Example Del Monte Provides secure Connections for Telecommuters Essay Del Monte Provides secure Connections for Telecommuters Essay Name: Course: Instructor: Date: Del Monte Provides Secure Connections for Telecommuters The primary concern of making a private network available to employees who are outside the office is for security purposes and reliability. When an organization opens up connections over the internet, it makes its network more vulnerable to hackers. Furthermore, in terms of security, the private network requires internet connections that are more stable so that it can get a reliable service as time and quality is a necessity in the Del Monte. Therefore, supplying them with the necessary information enables them to have access to information systems such as the corporate enterprise resource planning (ERP), data warehouse, and customer relationship management (CRM). This is because Del Monte required a system that employees could use to access the corporate network so that they could work as effectively as the employees in the corporate offices could. Technologies employed by Del Monte to address this primary concern include firewalls, encryption, IPSec, and AAA Server. Firewalls are used to offer strong barrier private network and the internet. Firewalls can be set as a restriction to numbers of open ports, the type of packets passed through and the protocols that are permitted through. Therefore, it should be noted that a person could have a good firewall first before implementing a VPN, although a firewall can also be used to destroy the sessions of VPN (Hoover 195). Another technology used is Encryption, which is a process that takes all the information that one computer sends to another and encodes it into a form that only the other computer will be able to decode. IPSec which refers to as internet protocol security protocol has the main function of providing improved security features like better encryption algorithms and extra significant authentication. Lastly, Del Monte employed another technology known as Authentication, authorization and accounting servers (AAA). This technology is mainly used to provide more security in a remote-access VPN surrounding. AAA checks the identity of the person sending a request, provides permission on what to be done, and then accounts for what a person actually does. Therefore, Del Monte employed these technologies in order to set up a secure website for the employees and partners to access the any internet connections. These technologies could keep hackers out and permit the authorized users’ in. The users are enabled to access only the parts of the network and data that they have been authorized to access. In addition, Del Monte supplies its employees with even secure connections for employees that work at home. The benefits enjoyed by both Del Monte and its employees include the speed of communication. Extranets provides access of information from anywhere especially from home in an effective and efficient manner to all partners by connecting intranets for urgent access to critical data. For instance, salesperson traveling far from the distributor is able to access information very fast and securely over the extranet, rather than calling a distributor for information. An extranet offers access to information in a very affordable price. For instance, companies are able to spend a very small amount in establishing and printing information for suppliers, distributors, and customers. Extranet also helps in reduction of hassles especially for an IT professional. It is sometimes hard to keep equipment and connections, while attempting to stay ahead of the access technology changes. Therefore, extranets tries to reduce these frustrations by permitting the IT organizer to outsource the difficult physical infrastructures. Extranets also tries to reduce long-distance phone charges. Hourly access fees charged by ISPs are up to 50 percent cheaper than the best available negotiated toll-free rates. Employees have a Cisco ASA 5500 Series Adaptive Security Appliance, which is a network device that offers a firewall and intrusion prevention system to keep hackers out and virtual private networking to encrypt and safeguard data flowing over the network. The device also enables the professionals to stay in contact while at home. If I were to choose whether to work at home or in a corporate, I would prefer working at home. This will thus enable me to work, at the same time attend meetings and do my own work at home. The company benefits from the devise in the general saving of money by allowing the company to erode expenses. I would prefer working at home rather than based in corporate office because it is easier to balance my personal life with work. For instance, working in an office requires daily commuting to and from work, which is hard to deal with when with children requiring to taken care of. Working from home also saves money and time and most of the time home environment is cool for working with no distractions from work mates, and I can plan my work in more organized manner. There is flexibility when working at home. My job can become flexible as long as I choose to be committed and reproductive. For instance, I can choose to work over the weekends, during the night and any time I am free. Therefore, working from home is very flexible since am able to make my own schedule and follow it to achieve the set goals. Working at home also gives time to spend with family members and friends. Hoover, Nicholas. Telecommunication: the internet, intranet, and extranets. New York, NY: Press, 2008.

Environmental Report (Shell) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Environmental Report (Shell) - Essay Example In the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is in charge of making sure industry is compliant with standards set into law. On the worldwide scale some developing countries do not have any guidelines, where as European Union and the United Kingdom do. European Union is responsible for a host of regulations that reduce greenhouse gas emission, preserve bio diversity, protect water supply and impose stiff fines for non compliance. The United Kingdom also has its own sets of rules and regulations, also enforced by fines for non-compliance. The International Standards Organization (ISO) has developed ISO 14000 and particularly ISO 14001 pertains to development and reporting sustainability of a company. ISO 14001 is a voluntary guideline that is compatible with the EU environmental management auditing standard (EMAS). This is one complexity that faces all companies that are trying to develop environmental sustainability. Developing a company that is both environmentally friendly and sustainable is the trend of the times in which the world finds itself these days. Shell is a worldwide company that has accepted this challenge of sustainability and reducing its impact on environments in which it operates. Herein is a brief overview of environmental management systems and environmental performance measure that make up a sustainable company. Thereafter evaluations of which systems have Shell put in to place, followed by a comparison of Shell with one of its competitor’s programs to evaluate how well Shell is in becoming an environmentally friendly and sustainable company. First there will be a discussion of sustainable development, environmental management systems (EMSs) and environmental policy management (EPMs). What is sustainable development? Sustainable development refers to using resources in such a way that fulfill our human needs today as well as save the environment from detrimental